Establishment Strikes Back in Japan’s Ruling Party Election

Dr. Jojin V. John, Research Fellow, Indian Council of World Affairs

Image: Fumio Kishida Wins Japan Election
Source: News18

Fumio Kishida, former Foreign Minister of Japan, has emerged victorious in the Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) presidential election held on 29 September, 2021 and has become the new Prime Minister of Japan. Kishida’s triumph over the charismatic Taro Kono, a former defense and foreign minister and the minister in the powerful administrative reform ministry in the Suga cabinet, is indicative of LDP’s preference for continuity over reforms, resistance to generational change and above all, the political reincarnation of former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in the role of ‘shadow shogun’.

The election result also proves that Japan is not yet ready for a female leader. However, this year’s election was an improvement on gender terms, having featured two women candidates out of four – former Internal Affairs Minister SanaeTakaichi and former Communication Minister Seiko Noda.

Unlike many democracies, in Japan, it is not the general election but the leadership election of the LDP that decides the leadership of the country. Since its establishment in 1955, LDP had been in power throughout except for brief periods between 1993-94 and 2009-2012. Considering the fragile state that the Japanese opposition finds themselves in today, for all practical purposes, it makes sense to look into the factional debates and competition within the LDP to understand the dynamics in Japanese politics.

The leadership election took a dramatic turn in early September, following the surprise announcement of PM Suga, that he is not seeking a second term. In the first round of the election in which both LDP Diet members and party workers voted, Kishida came on top with one vote ahead of Kono, while Takaichi and Noda came third and fourth. As no candidate could get a clear majority, the contest went into a run-off between Kishida and Kono, during which the former secured a clear victory. 

Four important factors that will have long-term implications for Japanese politics were at play in the election. First, the results meant a victory for the conservative elements of the party over the reformist. While more appealing to the public and the party workers, Kono, who is known to be a maverick in Japanese politics, has not been the favourite of the party’s old guard. He represented a platform that called for reform within the party and radical change in the policy direction of the government. His support for LGBT rights, separate surname for married couples, pension reform and review of the nuclear energy policy is considered ‘too’ reformist even for LDP’s moderate conservatives. On the other hand, Kishida, who stressed stability and continuity without directly challenging the directions set by the ‘Abe/Suga administrations’ over the last decade, had no difficulty getting the backing of party elders.

Initially, after young lawmakers of the party rallied around free voting, it was widely anticipated that it would weaken the power of factions, thus benefitting Kono, who is popular among the new generation lawmakers. Therefore, Kono’s defeat also implies the limitation of the generational change in Japanese politics and the staying power of the factions led by veteran politicians. 

Third, election results highlight the political genius of Shinzo Abe and the influence that he will command as the kingmaker in the Kishida administration going forward. By offering his support to the hardliner Takaichi, who was considered as an outlier in the early phase of the campaign, Abe significantly changed the political equations. The move was critical in stopping Kono from gaining a clear majority in the first round and pushing the contest into a run-off.

Fourth, policy debates during the election also reflect LDP’s shift towards a more hard-line approach on defence and national security issues. However, Kishida, who used to call himself a ‘dove’ on foreign and security matters, styled himself as a realist and pragmatist to woo the party hardliners.  With Kishida taking a more hawkish approach to China, revision of the constitution and the need for Japan to acquire first-strike capability, Kono appeared to be soft. For Kishida, who assumed power on 4 October  during an emergency session of the Diet as the 100th Prime Minister of Japan, the immediate task is to steer the party to victory in the lower house election scheduled for next month. This will be crucial for him to seal his position as the party head and the prime minister for the next three years and to forestall Japan heading into a new phase of political instability.

A Renewed push by Japan and Russia to resolve their bilateral dispute: Assessing the challenges

Dr. Shamshad A. Khan, Visiting Associate Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies, Delhi

Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has given utmost priority to sign a peace treaty with Russia as well as gaining back the control of the Northern Islands (known as Kuril in Russia). There have been 24 rounds of one on one interaction between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Russian President Vladimir Putin, and the most recent was held on the sidelines of the G-20 Summit in Buenos Aires. During Abe-Putin meetings, signing a peace treaty and resolution of the territorial dispute, an issue lingering between the two countries ever since the end of World War II, has been on the agenda. Following their talks, they set up a consultative framework, termed as a “new framework” which is expected to speed up talks to resolve the issue as also consolidate bilateral ties.

The Japanese media reports suggest that Abe may settle for two islands instead of seeking the return of all four. If that be so, it could be interpreted as a departure from Japan’s long held stance which states that Peace Treaty with Russia will be signed “contingent on the resolution of the Northern Territories issues.” Continue reading “A Renewed push by Japan and Russia to resolve their bilateral dispute: Assessing the challenges”

India Becoming a Threat in Chinese Imagination

Hemant Adlakha, professor of Chinese at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and Honorary Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies (ICS), Delhi.

As the new year gets underway, and Chinese foreign policy analysts join their counterparts around the world in assessing the events of 2017, the emerging international relations (IR) discourse in Beijing is quite a revelation — at least to the Japanese and Indian strategic affairs community.

While most Chinese believe Japan to be the second biggest threat to China’s “peaceful rise,” according to a few Chinese experts, the rising global profile of India, especially under the “right-wing” nationalist Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has gone unacknowledged. Continue reading “India Becoming a Threat in Chinese Imagination”

Competing for Influence: China’s Strategic Constraints and Challenges in the Indian Ocean

Chetananand Patil, Research Intern, ICS

The Indian Ocean is increasingly becoming a platform for the new emerging competition between major powers with China making its forays into the region, India seeking to preserve its dominance and the US keen to contain rise of China. Conventional wisdom perceives Chinese presence as a threat for the region and especially for India as it challenges Indian supremacy in its own backyard. Although China’s increasing presence cannot be overlooked or seen in idealist terms, there are certain limitations to its expansion which places Beijing in a strategically disadvantaged position vis-à-vis India.

The most important aspect that needs to be taken into account regarding China and the Indian Ocean Region is that China has no maritime territorial claims in the IOR and the region is not its strategic backyard. For Beijing, to protect maritime sovereignty in the South China Sea is the first priority Continue reading “Competing for Influence: China’s Strategic Constraints and Challenges in the Indian Ocean”

Demography in Japan

Ambassador (retd.) Kishan S RanaHonorary Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies.

The word ‘Japanification’ has come to mean a sharp decline in the population and workforce, as a result from a huge secular decline in the birthrate, to a point where it leads to a contraction of the economy, and a huge threat of a burgeoning number of old age dependents, which alters the very structure of life. In 2005, its ‘total fertility rate’ (TFR), i.e. the number of children per woman) fell to 1.26; it has risen slightly since then, but experts estimate this as a change in the timing of birth, and not a long-term change.

Continue reading “Demography in Japan”

Analyzing the Establishment of and Responses to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank

Madhura Balasubramaniam, Integrated Masters in Development Studies, IIT Madras.

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is a multilateral initiative announced by the Chinese President Xi Jinping to enable ‘economic integration in Asia’ and ‘cooperate with existing multilateral development banks’.[1] The startup capital of US$50 billion dollars was increased to US$100 billion. Beijing is the headquarters of the Bank and is headed by Jin Liqun, a former Vice President of the ADB.[2] The formal opening ceremony of the Bank was held on 16 January 2016.

Continue reading “Analyzing the Establishment of and Responses to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank”

North Korea’s Nuclear Test: Regional Reactions and the Chinese Responsibility

Jabin T. Jacob, Assistant Director and Fellow, Institute of Chinese Studies.

Following North Korea’s fourth nuclear test since 2006, [1] the world led by the UN Security Council has condemned Pyongyang’s action.[2] The DPRK for its part blamed South Korea’s propaganda broadcasts in the Demilitarised Zone – which includes K-pop songs, by the way – and deployment of military assets, saying these were pushing the two countries to the ‘brink of war’.[3]

Continue reading “North Korea’s Nuclear Test: Regional Reactions and the Chinese Responsibility”